CQ Transcriptions, March 2, 2007

Former Governor Mitt Romney (R-MA) with wife Ann Romney
Conservative Political Action Conference
Washington, DC
March 2, 2007

M. ROMNEY: Thank you, thank you. What a crowd. Thank you. Thank you. Grover, you are very kind.

Thank you, Al Cardenas.

Thank you, also, David Keene. It's an honor to be here in high heels walking backwards.

I came in with my sweetheart, who's here in the front row, I think, somewhere. And I said to her, Ann, in your wildest dreams, did you ever see me coming to speak at CPAC? And she said, Mitt, you weren't in my wildest dreams.

She's here. Ann, would you come on up and just say hi? Here comes my sweetheart, Ann Romney. (Applause)

This is not fair for me to ask her to say something, but I want her just to say hello.

A. ROMNEY: Wow, it's great to be here. Thank you. (Applause)

We have an exciting month this month. Some of you might think, well, of course, you're running for president—that's exciting.

There's another reason we're excited. Mitt and I will be celebrating our 38th wedding anniversary. (Applause)

M. ROMNEY: Glad you reminded me. (Laughter)

A. ROMNEY: On our second wedding anniversary, we said: What did we do to celebrate the first? We couldn't remember. Well, I was giving birth to our son, who is sitting right down there, too. Our oldest son Tagg is 37 in this months as well. (Applause)

So we always have been celebrating birthdays and anniversaries at the same time.

You all are very familiar with Mitt's accomplishments, and they're well known. But those that are not known as well are the accomplishments that I hold most dear in my heart, because for me he was an extraordinary, has been an extraordinary husband. And, most importantly, he's been a terrific example to our five sons, and now to our 10 grandchildren.

So thank you all for letting me say hello. Thank you. (Applause)

M. ROMNEY: Well, it is a great feeling to be with so many conservatives. In fact, in honor of the occasion, I invited all the Massachusetts conservatives to come hear me today. And I'm glad to report that they're both here. (Laughter)

Oh, we have a few more than that, I know.

I'm happy to learn also that, after you hear me, you're going to hear from Ann Coulter. That is a good thing. (Laughter)

Oh yeah. Yes, I think it's always very important to get the views of moderates. (Laughter)

Now, I know there are a few here from the mainstream media, and they're probably surprised that we're here in these record numbers. Of course, they wrote our obituary last fall. They've written that before, as you know. They wrote it after Watergate, after the '82 elections, after Iran-Contra, and after Bill Clinton's election.

The truth is that their wishful-thinking reports of our demise have been greatly exaggerated. In fact, I predict, that we'll be around a lot longer than, say, the newspapers will be around. (Laughter and Applause)

Conservatism is alive and well. And it's needed now more than ever. America faces a new generation of challenges, critical challenges. Today is similar, in a lot of respects, to what we faced 30 years ago, looking at the menacing face of communism.

In fact, 30 years ago, in this very conference, one man stood up and told America what was needed. It was conservatism, a new coalition of conservatives—a coalition that would lead to a brighter future for the nation.

Ronald Reagan said this: "What I envision"—I'll make sure I get it here, right— "what I envision is not simply a melding together of the two branches of American conservatism into a temporary uneasy alliance, but the creation of a new lasting majority."

And here's where he said this conservative alliance would lead: "I have seen the conservative future," said Reagan, "and it works."

Now, coming from Massachusetts, I saw firsthand the liberal future. And it doesn't work. (Laughter)

That's why... (Applause)

... that's why I ran against Ted Kennedy.

You see, Kennedy's liberal social programs weren't solving poverty. In fact, they were creating a culture of poverty.

I didn't win that race, but at least Teddy had to take out a mortgage on his home to beat me. (Laughter and Applause)

I have to tell you a story. I was campaigning once in one very poor neighborhood just outside of Boston, when a person came up to me and said, "Hey, Mr. Romney. What are you doing here? This is Kennedy country."

I looked around, and there were a lot of empty stores and boarded up windows, and I said, "Yes, it looks like Kennedy country." (Laughter)

Now, it's the conservative coalition represented in this room that can build a brighter future for America—economic conservatives, social conservatives, and national conservatives.

I saw the potential of economic conservatism when I became governor. Our state budget, as Grover indicated, was $3 billion short. Liberals wanted to raise taxes, but I cut government instead. I eliminated and combined duplicate agencies and programs. And I balanced the budget four years in a row. (Applause)

One commentator—one TV reporter said that I didn't just go after the sacred cows, that I'd gone after the whole herd. (Laughter)

Now, I'm proud to report that, as governor of Massachusetts, I produced a record which, after four years of service, there are now 600 fewer state workers than when I took office. (Applause)

Now, I also went after taxes. The legislature passed—remarkably—a $250 million retroactive capital gains tax increase. Think of that.

Now I knew that my veto would be overridden by the 85 percent Democratic majority. So I had my Department of Revenue send every tax payer a pro forma tax bill for the new higher taxes.

And then I waited a little while for folks to call their legislators. And did they ever. And then I sent back to the legislature an amendment to their bill that turned the $250 million tax increase into a $250 million tax refund instead.

And, amazingly, the legislature now saw the error of their ways and adopted my amendment. (Applause)

I didn't stop there; didn't stop there with taxes. I made the investment tax credit permanent. We passed sales tax holidays. We gave tax breaks to medical manufacturing companies. We gave real estate breaks to our senior citizens.

And in each of my last three years, I submitted a budget that cut the income tax.

It's time for some economic conservatism in Washington as well. (Applause)

America has seen an embarrassing spike in nondefense discretionary spending. And, as you know, I'm proud to be the first presidential candidate to sign Grover Norquist's tax pledge.

But I have another pledge I'd like to make to you today: If I'm elected president, I'm going to cap nondefense discretionary spending at inflation minus 1 percent. That would save $300 billion—$300 billion—in 10 years. (Applause)

And if Congress sends me a budget that exceeds that cap, I will veto that budget. (Applause)

By the way—by the way—that doesn't depend on whether it's a Republican or a Democrat Congress. Either way, I will veto that budget.

And I know how to veto. I like vetoes. (Laughter)

I have vetoed hundreds—hundreds—of spending appropriations as governor.

And, by the way, if Congress doesn't want to do the cutting itself, then give me the same line-item veto I had as a governor and I'll do it for them. (Applause)

One more thing in this regard: If elected president, I will personally—personally— lead a top-to-bottom review of government programs, agencies and procurement and spending.

It is time to cut out the mountains of waste and inefficiency and duplication in the federal government.

I've done that in business. I've done it in the Olympics. I've done it in Massachusetts. And, frankly, I can't wait to get my hands on Washington. (Applause)

Now, you know that Democrats here in Washington are itching to raise your taxes; 2011 is set to be a record-breaking tax-hike year—not if I'm president.

I'll fight to stop the tax hike and I'll fight for a new savings plan for middle-class Americans as well, one that will grow the economy and help families at the same time.

Under my plan, the amount of tax they will pay on dividends, interest and capital gains will be absolutely zero. (Applause)

You know what we need to do? It's time to take government apart and put it back together. But this time, let's make it simpler, smarter and smaller. (Applause)

Let's talk about social conservatism for a moment, as well. Massachusetts, as Grover indicated, became center stage for the liberal social agenda—sort of San Francisco East, Nancy Pelosi- style.

Ten months into my term, the Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court said that our Constitution requires gay marriage. John Adams, who wrote that Constitution, would be surprised. (Laughter)

Less than a year after that, Harvard scientists were in my office, trying to convince me that it's nor a moral issue to clone entirely new human embryos solely for research.

And not long after that, the Catholic Church was forced to exit their adoption service because they preferred placing kids in homes where there were moms and dads, not just moms and not just dads. (Applause)

I stood at the center of the battlefield on every major social issue. I fought to preserve our traditional values and to protect the sanctity of human life.

I vetoed bills. I filed new bills. I enforced the law that banned out-of-state same-sex couples from coming to Massachusetts to get married.

I went to the court again and again. I testified here before Congress for the Federal Marriage Amendment. And I championed our successful that collected a record 170,000 signatures for a citizen ballot initiative to protect marriage.

To me, a fundamental principle of democracy is at stake. It is the people who are sovereign in America, not a few folks in black robes. (Applause)

Time and again, judges add things that aren't in the Constitution, and they take away things that are in the Constitution. And in that regard, they let the campaign finance lobby take First Amendment rights.

If I'm elected president, I will fight to repeal McCain-Feingold. (Applause)

Another aspect of American sovereignty is the security of our borders. The current system is a virtual concrete wall against those who have skill and education, but it's a wide-open walk across the border for those that have neither.

McCain-Kennedy isn't the answer. As governor, I took a very different approach. I authorized our state police to enforce federal immigration laws.

I vetoed... (Applause)

I vetoed a tuition break for illegals and said no to driver's licenses. (Applause)

McCain-Kennedy gives benefits to illegals that would cost taxpayers millions. And, more importantly: Amnesty didn't work 20 years ago and it won't work today. (Applause)

Here's a third aspect to conservatism. The new generation of challenges we face today includes challenges to our national security as well.

The violent jihadists are intent on replacing moderate, modern Islamic governments with a religious caliphate. To do that, they seek the collapse of our economy and our military as well.

We're going to defeat violent jihad with a two-part strategy. First: an unquestionably strong military. The best ally for peace in this world is a strong America. (Applause)

In my view, we need more men and women in our military, better armaments, and a strategic defense initiative.

Now, the second branch of this strategy to defeat jihad: We need to bring together all the nations of the civilized world in what some might call a second kind of Marshall Plan, different in a lot of respects.

Together with these other nations, and with volunteers and businesses and NGOs, we want to support moderate Muslim governments and nations and peoples. They need to make sure they have public schools that aren't Wahhabi schools, the rule of law, property rights, modern banking and agriculture, and pro-growth economic policies.

Because, in the end, it's the Muslim people themselves who will have to eliminate radical jihad.

Now, Iraq... (Applause)

You know this. Iraq is just one front in this global war against the violent, radical jihadists. We've removed Saddam Hussein but, afterward, I'm afraid to report that we were underprepared and underplanned and undermanaged and undermanned.

But walking away now because of those mistakes or dividing the country and then walking away would have real and severe risks for America and for our troops.

And that's why I support the troop surge, for that reason. And one... (Applause)

And one thing I think we all can agree on: We shouldn't let Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid dictate our battle strategy to the commanders in the field or to the commander in chief. (Applause)

Conservatism is a belief in strength. It's because of America's strength that we don't all speak German and that our kids don't all speak Russian. And it's because of America's strength that our grandchildren won't have to speak Farsi or Arabic or Chinese. (Applause)

America must remain the world's military superpower. That's a first principle of conservatism.

To remain the military superpower, we have to also remain the world's economic superpower. You can't be a tier one military and be a tier two economy. The Soviet Union tried that. They couldn't keep it up and lost.

It's inconceivable, of course, to us that we could ever be passed economically. But, you know, 100 years ago it was inconceivable that anyone could have passed England or France, but we sure did.

And if you look East, you can see that we're facing much more difficult competition from Asia than anything we've faced before.

Asia wants to move the center of manufacturing and technology and innovation from here to there.

Now, we can just smile. But don't forget what Will Rogers said: Even if you're on the right track, if you don't move, you'll get run over. (Laughter)

America's going to move. But the question for America is going to be this: In what direction?

And history should be our guide. The 20th century saw two economic systems pitted against each other. Ours was built on free enterprise, free trade and the primacy of the individual.

The Soviets built theirs on government command and control and the primacy of the state.

Ours produced the most powerful economy in the world, that has given its citizens a standard of living our grandparents would have never dreamed possible.

Theirs, of course, produced a downward spiral standard of living and eventual collapse.

The 20th century history lesson is that America's economy is strong because we put our trust in the American people and in the free enterprises they create. (Applause)

If we're going to keep America strong forever, we have to turn to the source of America's strength.

Now, if you ask some liberals, "What is the source of America's strength," they're going to say—if they're honest with you—they're going to say it's government.

Now, we have a strong government, but that's not the source of our strength. The source of America's strength is the American people... (Applause)

... hardworking, educated, skilled, family-oriented, willing to sacrifice for their family and their country, God-fearing, freedom- loving American people. They have always been the source of America's strength and they will always be the source of America's strength. (Applause)

And so, if we need to call on the strength of America, you don't strengthen government; you strengthen the American people. You strengthen the American people by letting them keep more of their own money and not taxing their families at their death. (Applause)

You strengthen the American people by making sure that the voice of millions of voters trumps the voice of unelected judges. (Applause)

You strengthen the American people by securing our borders and by insisting that the children who come here legally to this country are taught in English. (Applause)

And perhaps most importantly, you strengthen the American people by strengthening the American family. Marriage must come before children, because every child deserves a mother and father. (Applause)

This isn't the time for us to shrink from conservative principles. It's a time for us to stand in strength, because America faces unprecedented challenges. Strength is the only answer: strong military, strong economy, strong families.

Thirty years ago, in challenging times, a great coalition was forged in these halls. Today we face a new generation of challenges.

If we, in this room, lock our arms together, we can forge the political will to rebuild our military might.

If we, in this room, will simply march forward, we can propel America's growth and prosperity to lead the world.

If we, in this room, lift up our eyes, we will lift the spirit of the entire nation.

Now is the time. This is the place for us to lead a great coalition of strength for our families, for our future, for America.

God bless the United States of America. (Applause)

Source: CQ Transcriptions

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