No more benefit of the doubt
October
17, 2005
Harriet Miers’s
confirmation hearings are about to begin, so we may be on the verge
of learning something meaningful about the president’s choice
to replace Justice Sandra Day O’Connor on the Supreme Court.
Or maybe we won’t. We haven’t learned much since she was
named, and one suspects there might not be all that much more out there.
I don’t know enough about Ms. Miers even to guess at her qualifications
for the job to which she has been appointed. I’ve heard good and
bad things about her from those who’ve dealt with her, and I’ve
read reams of opinion about her, but I still have to count myself as
skeptical, as nothing I’ve heard thus far even begins to convince
me that she belongs on the Supreme Court.
The case for Miers is simple. The president knows her and likes her.
She’s a hard worker and a woman who did well as a lawyer in Texas,
is devoted to the president and has performed loyally as a White House
staffer.
Oh, and there is one other thing. Ms. Miers regularly attends church
and apparently takes her religion seriously. This, according to White
House arm twisters, tells us that she would vote on the court in a way
that would please social and religious conservatives.
In fact, it tells us no such thing.
It’s nice to know that Ms. Miers is a regular church-goer, and
nicer still that she is devout, but we have been told time and again
by the same people selling her candidacy today that a nominee’s
religious views need not shape his or her judicial decisions. When liberals
questioned whether John Roberts would, as a Catholic, be able to decide
cases involving abortion and euthanasia without being unduly influenced
by the views of his church, they were assured in no uncertain terms
that his views of the Constitution and the role of the Supreme Court,
rather than his personal religious views, would prove determinative
in such cases.
They were right then and wrong now. One can find devout liberals and
conservatives sitting side by side in pews every Sunday. As a practical
matter, while it is true that regular attendance may, as numerous polls
suggest, indicate a greater statistical likelihood that one will vote
Republican, such attendance tells us little about any individual attendee’s
politics and absolutely nothing about how Harriet Miers might vote on
cases that come before her as an associate justice of the Supreme Court.
When a Supreme Court justice looks at a case, conservatives and most
other Americans would hope that he or she would ask how the Founders
might have viewed it in light of the meaning of document they crafted
rather than how their minister, priest or the president who appointed
them might want it to turn out. We don’t know how Harriet Miers
views the Constitution or the role of a Supreme Court justice, and most
of us are waiting to find out.
Still, I have from the beginning been willing to grant that, since few
of us know much about the lady, she may be all the president and his
advisers claim. She is, after all, a smart woman and a fairly successful
lawyer who may well have thought deeply, though privately, about constitutional
questions in spite of the rather mundane chores for which she’s
billed her clients over the years, but it is going to be up to her to
demonstrate it.
What is most troubling about this whole affair, however, is the way
the administration has gone about trying to demonize conservatives who
have raised questions about Ms. Miers. It began from day one to attack
personally the motives, loyalty and judgment of anyone who questioned
the wisdom of the nomination. Since then, the ad hominem attacks on
Miers’s conservative critics have been unconscionably heavy-handed
and will haunt the president regardless of how the nomination fight
turns out.
Most conservatives have stood with Bush from the beginning. Those of
us who know him like him. We’ve swallowed policies we might otherwise
have objected to because we’ve believed that he and those around
him are themselves conservatives trying to do the right thing against
sometimes terrible odds. We’ve been there for him because we’ve
considered ourselves part of his team.
No more.
From now on, this administration will find it difficult to muster support
on the right without explaining why it should be forthcoming. The days
of the blank check have ended because no thinking conservative really
wants to be part of a team that requires marching in lock step without
question or thought, even if it is headed by the president of the United
States.
Keene, chairman of the American Conservative Union,
is a managing associate with Carmen Group, a D.C.-based governmental-affairs
firm (www.carmengrouplobbying.com).governmental-affairs
firm (www.carmengrouplobbying.com).